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KAIROS is additionally concerned about the absence of human rights norms and a dedicated human rights monitoring mechanism in any peace negotiation framework. The “Quartet” roadmap, which was adopted by UN Security Council Resolution 1515 (2003) fails to reference human rights standards or monitoring mechanisms. The ceasefire agreement reached in Sharm al-Sheikh in February 2005 was also devoid of human rights content. Context Important as these developments may be, they “fail to address the main violations of human rights and humanitarian law in the occupied Palestinian territories – settlements, the Wall, checkpoint and roadblocks, the imprisonment of Gaza and the continued incarceration of over 7,000 Palestinians,” according to the mission report of the Special Rapporteur of the UNCHR of March 3, 2005. Expansion of Settlements These settlements crisscross the territories of the West Bank and Gaza Strip, creating a territory-wide network of segregation. Needless to say, Palestinians are not allowed to use these roads and are forced to take convoluted routes, negotiating numerous Israeli military checkpoints and roadblocks. Israeli settlement activities are effectively fragmenting the occupied territories, rendering a territorially contiguous Palestinian state impossible. The Wall The Wall is significantly altering the character of Jerusalem and Bethlehem. The lives of their residents are substantially affected by travel restrictions, closures and property confiscation. The Israeli newspaper Haaretz recently reported that on July 8, 2004, the Sharon cabinet met and adopted a resolution to reactivate the Absentee Property Law of 1950 and to expand and validate the power of the Custodian of Absentee Property for Palestinian assets in East Jerusalem. This resolution allows the State of Israel to seize large tracts of East Jerusalem land owned by Palestinians whose homes are cut off by the Wall from the rest of their properties in East Jerusalem. Finding themselves on the West Bank side of the barrier, and hence outside the municipal boundaries of Jerusalem and the jurisdiction of the State of Israel, these Palestinians are barred from accessing their land in East Jerusalem without a permit and are now deemed absentee. The law stipulates that these Palestinians will no longer hold any property rights and that their properties will be transferred to the State of Israel with no possibility of appeal or compensation. This, despite the fact that these same Palestinians have been paying property taxes to the Municipal Jerusalem since 1967, the year that East Jerusalem was unilaterally annexed to Israel and became with West Jerusalem part of municipal Jerusalem. Internal Closure Furthermore, Israel’s policy of internal closure is further threatening the economic viability of the future Palestinian state. According to the World Bank Report of November 2004, these policies are intensifying the cycle of Palestinian economic and resource dependency on Israel, strangling trade and commerce as well as fuelling Palestinian poverty and its acceleration into a humanitarian crisis. The living conditions of Palestinians are dramatically deteriorating, with as much as half the population of Gaza dependent on food aid and almost 84% living below the poverty line. In the West Bank and Gaza, recipients of UNRWA food aid rose from 11,000 families before 2000 to almost 220,000 families in 2003: as many as 600,000 Palestinians are facing subsistence poverty. With per day expenditure of less than $1.5 per person, these people cannot meet their most basic needs in food, clothing and shelter to survive. International donors played a critical role in helping Palestinian society endure this economic crisis. International aid helped to sustain social service delivery and support the poor through food, cash support and job creation. Without these programs, the World Bank Report estimates that an additional 250,000 persons would have fallen under the subsistence poverty line. The incarceration of Gaza The Israeli Knesset has adopted Sharon’s Disengagement Plan. Under the plan, Israel will withdraw all of its Gaza settlers and the troops protecting them. Israel is portraying its “disengagement” as the end to its military occupation of Gaza. In fact, Israel will maintain ultimate control over Gaza’s borders, coastline and airspace. Gaza will not be free from Israeli control and Israel must he held accountable to its obligations under international humanitarian law as an occupying power to provide for the humanitarian welfare and protection of civilians in Gaza Sharon’s disengagement plan marks the first time in the history of Israel when the government has voted on the principle of removing settlers from occupied Palestinian land. To this extent, it should be supported so long as it represents a fulfillment of Israel’s obligations to evacuate all of its settler population, and to dismantle all of its settlements in the Occupied Palestinian Territories. There is no indication, however, that Prime Minister Sharon intends for the evacuation and dismantling of the Gaza settlements to be a first step toward dismantling more than a handful of smaller settlements in the West Bank. The announcement of new housing construction in the West Bank strongly indicates that the Sharon government’s long-term intention is to solidify its hold over the West Bank. Sharon’s vision seems to be “Gaza only” and not “Gaza first”. Recommendations
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